"World's least known bird" found breeding in Afghanistan - NEW YORK (Reuters Life!) - Researchers have found in Afghanistan the first known breeding area of the large-billed reed warbler, which was dubbed in 2007 as "the world's least known bird species." - Sun Jan 17, 2010 8:44pm EST
Obama vows Afghan exit; battered Karzai to take oath
By Peter Graff – Wed Nov 18, 7:34 am ET
KABUL (Reuters) – U.S. President Barack Obama aims to bring the Afghan war to an end before he leaves office, he said on Wednesday, the eve of a swearing-in ceremony Western officials hope can help salvage Hamid Karzai's tattered reputation.
Hillary Clinton arrived in Kabul to attend the re-elected Afghan president's inauguration, her first visit as U.S. secretary of state and the most senior visit by a member of Obama's administration, which has kept Karzai at arm's length.
Karzai takes his oath on Thursday, three months after a vote marred by widespread fraud. The election, intended to bolster the government's legitimacy, had the opposite effect, driving a wedge between Karzai and Western countries whose troops defend him.
Clinton, Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner will be among 300 foreign dignitaries to attend the ceremony at Kabul's presidential palace.
In an interview with CNN, Obama said he would soon announce the results of a long-awaited review, which would include an exit strategy to avoid "a multi-year occupation that won't serve the interests of the United States".
"The American people will have a lot of clarity about what we're doing, how we're going to succeed, how much this thing is going to cost, what kind of burden does this place on our young men and women in uniform and, most importantly, what's the end game on this thing," he said.
"My preference would be not to hand off anything to the next president. One of the things I'd like is the next president to be able to come in and say I've got a clean slate."
In eight years of war the Taliban insurgency is now at its deadliest, the Western force protecting Karzai is at its largest, and the Afghan leader's own reputation is at its lowest, wrecked by election fraud, corruption and weak government.
Security for the inauguration in Kabul will be extreme, with roads closed in the capital. The government declared Thursday a holiday and told citizens to stay off the streets. Reporters will be barred from attending the swearing-in ceremony itself.
The centerpiece will be Karzai's inauguration speech, with Western officials hoping to hear a specific program to combat graft, improve performance and limit the influence of warlords.
"We would like some sort of roadmap. We want some clear direction given here," a European diplomat said.
FAKE VOTES
A U.N.-backed probe concluded nearly a third of votes for Karzai in the August 20 poll were fake, meaning he failed to win the 50 percent needed to avoid a second round. He was declared the winner anyway when his opponent quit before the run-off.
"No one can change the fact that Karzai won the election through fake votes and support from notorious warlords in return for ministerial and high-ranking posts," said white-bearded Abdul Shukoor as he entered a Kabul mosque for noon prayers.
"When the government is based on cheating and compromise, I can guarantee you there won't be any improvement for many years."
Obama has yet to visit Afghanistan as president, and halted predecessor George W. Bush's practice of regular phone calls with Karzai. In the CNN interview, Obama gave a lukewarm endorsement of Karzai, saying his focus was on the government as a whole.
"I think that President Karzai has served his country in important ways. If you think about when he first came in, there may not have been another figure who could have held that country together," Obama said in the CNN interview.
"He has some strengths, but he's got some weaknesses. And I'm less concerned about any individual than I am with a government as a whole that is having difficulty providing basic services to its people in a way that confers legitimacy on them."
In Western countries, public support for the war has tumbled as the insurgency spreads and death tolls soar.
A Washington Post-ABC News poll released on Tuesday found that 52 percent of Americans now believe the war is not worth fighting, although 55 percent believe Obama will choose a strategy that will work.
Obama has already presided over a massive escalation of the war. There are now nearly 110,000 foreign troops in Afghanistan, including 68,000 Americans, more than half arriving this year.
Obama's commander in Afghanistan, General Stanley McChrystal, has requested tens of thousands of additional troops, warning that without them, the war will probably be lost.
Karzai's government announced anti-graft measures this week, including a new major crimes police task force, prosecutors' unit and tribunal -- steps welcomed in the West, although it remains to be seen if they will be more effective than previous efforts.
Karzai was installed by the United States and its Afghan allies after they helped drive the Taliban from power in the wake of the September 11 attacks in 2001. He won a full term in the country's first democratic presidential election in 2004.
(Additional reporting by Jonathon Burch and Hamid Shalizi in KABUL, Sue Pleming and JoAnne Allen in WASHINGTON and Caren Bohan in BEIJING; Editing by Paul Tait)
Karzai Inauguration Brings Anticipation Of Change
November 18, 2009 By Abubakar Siddique Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
Like millions of Afghans, Izharul Haq dreams of seeing peace and security restored to his homeland.
And like millions of Afghans, Haq will be paying close attention this week for signs of how President Hamid Karzai intends to make those dreams a reality.
The young student from Afghanistan's northern Jawzjan Province has clear ideas of what he and his fellow citizens want to hear when Karzai steps to the podium for his inauguration ceremony on November 19.
"We demand that President Karzai fulfill his promises and restore peace in Afghanistan,” Haq said. “We demand that he bring security and peace in the north, south, east and west of Afghanistan. And this is our major demand during his second term."
The ceremonies will attract much attention from outside Afghanistan as well, with scores of foreign dignitaries expected to be on hand to display their commitment and goodwill to the next Karzai administration.
Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari will be there, as will Indian Prime Minster Manmohan Singh, the foreign ministers of Britain and Italy, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
New Anticorruption Drive
Anticipation is building over what sources from within Karzai's administration promise will be a "historic" speech.
The sources, who spoke to RFE/RL on condition of anonymity, suggest that the announcement of anticorruption measures will be the most prominent feature of Karzai's inauguration speech.
As he enters his second term, Karzai faces enormous pressure from both his Western backers and Afghan constituents to swiftly move against rampant corruption among Afghan bureaucrats and politicians.
In an interview on November 15, U.S. Secretary of State Clinton warned that her country would halt all civilian aid to Afghanistan unless the new Afghan government puts in place effective measures against corruption.
Speaking for the European Union, Swedish Foreign Minster Carl Bildt warned that "we will be watching."
Karzai's speech will also touch on Afghanistan's domestic and foreign policy, the role of international troops there, and comprehensive government reforms, according to the sources from within the president's camp.
Karzai’s critics, such as lawmaker Kabir Ranjbar, have suggested that given his extensive pre-election deals with regional strongmen and warlords, the president is not truly committed to the reforms many want to see.
Nevertheless, Ranjabar says, Karzai might be able to use the mounting international pressure to convince his Afghan allies to accept change.
"Karzai should clarify the situation to them and tell them that over the past seven or eight years [his backers] have received enough. He can tell them that they have built palaces in Dubai and that international banks are overflowing with their accounts,” Ranjabar said. “He can tell them that we now need to build a patriotic technocratic government composed of people who are loyal to our national interests, and that we should let them rebuild this country."
Building The Cabinet
Experts suggest that soothing words and mere assurances in the course of Karzai's inauguration speech will not be enough to satisfy international demands for transparency, and that Western leaders want to see concrete evidence of more open policies as Karzai builds his future cabinet.
Kabul-based analyst Asadullah Walwalji is closely following the formation of the new cabinet. He tells RFE/RL's Radio Free Afghanistan that Karzai has tasked three key lieutenants to come up with a list of potential candidates for his incoming administration.
He suggests that even the warlords and regional strongmen allied with Karzai are expected to nominate supporters who will be acceptable to Western donors and Afghan public alike, because they no longer want to be associated with past war crimes and corruption.
"For some time, big people very close to Karzai have been looking for candidates who would meet the demands of the West and work in the prevailing conditions of the country,” Walwalji said. “I don't know if they have found such people. But if they have found such personalities, it would benefit them and all of us."
While Karzai is expected to announce his cabinet two weeks after his inauguration, the Afghan government on November 16 announced the formation of a high-level anticorruption unit to investigate graft among senior officials.
"President Hamid Karzai, after being re-elected for another five years, has dedicated his five years to fighting corruption," Interior Minister Hanif Atmar told a news conference.
RFE/RL Radio Free Afghanistan deputy director Hashem Mohmand and correspondents Zarif Nazar and Mustafa Sarwar contributed to this report.
Clinton in Afghanistan for Karzai Inauguration
By VOA News 18 November 2009
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has arrived in Afghanistan ahead of President Hamid Karzai's inauguration.
In her first trip to Afghanistan as secretary of state, Clinton is expected to join foreign dignitaries and Afghan leaders for Thursday's inauguration ceremony in Kabul.
Afghan authorities have already deployed additional security throughout the capital. The inauguration itself will be a private event held on the heavily-guarded grounds of the presidential palace. There is no large public ceremony expected.
Western powers are closely watching President Karzai for signs he is serious about fighting rampant corruption within his government.
U.S. President Barack Obama said on the eve of Mr. Karzai's inauguration that he is less concerned with the trustworthiness of one individual than he is with the trustworthiness of the government as a whole.
Mr. Obama, who is expected to announce his decision on US troop levels in the coming weeks, says his administration is presenting "very clear benchmarks" for the Afghan government to secure the war-torn country.
Mr. Obama did not elaborate on those measures during an interview with CNN (broadcast Wednesday), saying only that the U.S. has a vital interest in making sure that Afghanistan is what he called "sufficiently stable."
Meanwhile in Berlin Wednesday, Germany's cabinet decided to extend by one year the mandate for its Afghan military mission. The deployment, which is unpopular in Germany, is expected to be approved by parliament before the mandate expires in December. There are about 4,000 German troops serving in Afghanistan, the third largest contingent of foreign troops behind the United States and Britain.
On Tuesday, NATO's secretary-general said he is confident allies will send "substantially more troops" to Afghanistan, giving new momentum to the mission.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen told a NATO parliamentary assembly in Scotland he expects more forces for the war-torn country, but only as part of a wider strategy to eventually hand over security to Afghans.
Afghan violence at highest level since invasion
Aid agency seeks to measure price paid for instability
National Post Peter Goodspeed Wednesday, November 18, 2009
Violence in Afghanistan has reached its highest level since the U.S.-led invasion eight years ago.
On the eve of Hamid Karzai's second inauguration as president tomorrow, statistics compiled by NATO forces indicate insurgent attacks have soared by nearly 60%. But it is civilians, not soldiers, who are bearing the brunt of the soaring violence.
A typical attack occurred on Monday when Taliban insurgents in eastern Afghanistan fired rockets into a crowded marketplace in Tagab, Kapisa province, killing 14 civilians and wounding 30 others.
The attack came as General Marcel Druart, the commander of French troops in the area, was meeting tribal elders nearby. The general and his forces were not in danger and no NATO troops were injured.
The Taliban simply resorted to ruthless intimidation to discourage residents from collaborating with NATO.
A new report released today by the British aid agency Oxfam and 14 other non-governmental organizations operating in Afghanistan seeks to measure the price Afghans are paying for years of instability and violence.
"In 2008, an average of three Afghans were summarily executed by anti-government elements every four days for any perceived association with the Afghan government or international forces," the report says.
"The past three decades of war and disorder have had a devastating impact on the Afghan people. Millions have been killed, millions more have been forced to flee their homes and the country's infrastructure and forests have all but been destroyed.
"The social fabric of the country is fractured and state institutions are fragile and weak."
One in 10 Afghans surveyed by Oxfam has been imprisoned at least once. One in five has been tortured, in jail or by various armed groups, and a third of the tortured were women.
According to the report, 43% of respondents said their property had been destroyed; 76% had been forced to leave their homes; and 17% are thinking of fleeing Afghanistan.
"A whole generation has grown up never having experienced peace and many Afghans are struggling to cope with the psychological, economic, social and physical ramifications of the conflicts, past and present," the report says.
Nearly half of the population lives below the poverty line.
More than 250,000 remain displaced inside the country, while another three million refugees are still in Pakistan and Iran.
Oxfam spoke to more than 700 Afghans in 14 provinces.
When asked what the most harmful period of conflict in Afghanistan was 38% named the Communist period and the Soviet Union's occupation, 22% named the civil war that followed the Soviets' withdrawal and 33% named the Taliban.
Only 3% thought the current conflict was the most harmful.
NATO delays talks on new forces for Afghanistan
AP via Yahoo! News - Nov 18 6:02 AM
BRUSSELS – NATO says it's waiting for President Barack Obama's decision on additional troops for Afghanistan before it holds a conference on pledging reinforcements.
The alliance holds regular meetings to raise troops and other resources for all its operations. The next one is scheduled for Monday.
But NATO spokesman James Appathurai says that meeting will now be split into two parts. On Monday, allied nations will commit units for NATO's force in Kosovo, the alliance's anti-piracy patrols off Somalia, and other missions.
Appathurai says the talks dealing with additional forces for Afghanistan has been moved to December, "in order to take account ongoing developments." No date has been set.
Germany to extend Afghanistan mission
by Richard Carter – Wed Nov 18, 11:31 am ET
BERLIN (AFP) – Germany agreed Wednesday to extend by one year its mission in Afghanistan, Chancellor Angela Merkel said, as her foreign minister warned German troops will not be there forever.
"In a regular cabinet meeting, we decided to get the process of extending the mandate underway," Merkel told reporters.
The lengthening of the mandate -- as well as the number of troops Berlin can send to the war-torn nation, currently capped at 4,500 -- is subject to parliamentary approval before it expires in December.
Foreign Minister and Vice-Chancellor Guido Westerwelle said: "With this, we want to send a clear signal. The new federal government is sticking by Germany's international responsibilities."
"Our partners should know that our country remains a reliable partner for peace and security in the world," he added.
Taking aim at the government in Kabul, he said: "It is about more than security, it is also about reconstruction and it is about good leadership, including the fight against corruption."
"We do not want this to be a mission that lasts forever and a day," Westerwelle insisted.
Merkel's new coalition had already pledged to extend the mandate in their government programme drawn up after elections on September 27.
Germany currently has around 4,300 troops in Afghanistan, based in the relatively peaceful north of the country, which has become more violent in recent months.
According to the current mandate, the upper limit is 4,500 troops, and this will not be altered in the new version sent to parliament, said a government statement following a two-day meeting of Merkel's cabinet outside Berlin.
"The upper limit for personnel is still 4,500 soldiers. They will be deployed in future in the north of the country and in Kabul," the statement said.
The German contingent is the third-biggest in a 100,000-strong international force including around 65,000 under NATO command but Berlin has come under pressure from its allies to send more troops for a counter-insurgency push.
The mission has also become increasingly unpopular at home with the latest opinion polls showing a majority of Germans opposed to the presence of troops in the war-torn nation.
On Friday, Berlin announced it would send an extra 120 troops to the northern province of Kunduz in mid-January, but this still falls within the 4,500-limit.
Merkel has refused to consider sending more before an international conference in early 2010 to hammer out a strategy on handing over security responsibilities to the Afghans so that foreign troops can go home.
The cabinet also decided to scrap a mission to send AWACS surveillance planes to Afghanistan after Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan refused to allow NATO to fly them through their airspace.
The German army's participation in a mission to fight piracy off the coast of Lebanon was also extended by six months. An anti-piracy mission off the Horn of Africa was also prolonged.
German Defence Minister Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg is due to discuss the Afghan mission with his French counterpart Herve Morin in Paris before flying to Washington for talks with US Secretary of Defence Robert Gates.
Counting the Costs of Afghanistan's Wars
By Alyssa Fetini Wednesday, Nov. 18, 2009 time.com
The Cost of War; Afghan Experiences of Conflict, 1978-2009
The Gist:
Three straight decades of war have taken a devastating toll on Afghanistan, sinking the country deeper into political instability and chaos and earning it an unfortunate reputation as one of the most dangerous places in the world. Though several books and articles have been dedicating to analyzing the embattled country's troubled history, little has been written on the effect that these conflicts have had on the lives of ordinary Afghans.
After conducting more than 700 interviews with randomly selected Afghans across 14 provinces, Oxfam International, in collaboration with seven other non-governmental organizations, has published a report explaining the consequences of Afghanistan's many conflicts, from the Soviet Invasion to the hunt for Osama Bin Laden, through the testimony of civilians who have borne the brunt of the struggle.
Highlight reel:
1. One Afghan man's account of the effect that three decades of war have had on the country:"What do you think the effect that two million Afghans martyred, 70% of Afghanistan destroyed, and our economy eliminated has had on us? Half our people are mad. A man who is thirty or forty years old looks like he is seventy years old. We always live in fear. We are not secure anywhere in Afghanistan, whether in Kabul or Jalalabad."
2. On the displacement of civilians: Three in four (76%) [Afghans] interviewed were forced to leave their homes at some point during the past three decades of conflict... many individuals were displaced multiple times, fleeing to a more secure place only to have the fighting reach them again months later or once they had returned home, forcing them to migrate once again.
3. On who is to blame for the current conflict: Seven in ten (70%) saw unemployment and poverty as a major cause of the conflict, while almost half (48%) pointed to the corruption and ineffectiveness of the Afghan government. Other factors that individuals identified as major drivers of the conflict were : the Taliban (36%); interference by other countries (25%); al Qaeda (18%); the presence of international forces (18%); lack of support from the international community (17%); warlords (15%); and criminal groups (14%).
4. An Afghan woman's account of the consequences of the current conflict: "The current conflict has caused lots of tension and concern among people. People are very concerned about their future. In the beginning, people had hope but the ineffectiveness of the current government and bombardment of civilians by international forces made people hate the government and created more opportunities for the anti-government forces."
The Lowdown:
With the 30th anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan approaching, this report offers a critical evaluation of the human cost of war through the voices those who have paid it. Millions of Afghans have been killed since the late 1970's, and millions more have been displaced. Along with offering personal accounts of the rampant unemployment, imprisonment, sexual violence and mental trauma that have become widespread side effects of the conflicts for those who remain, the report also explores ways to alleviate conflict recommended by civilians themselves, including urging the government to establish the rule of law at all levels and asking the international community to assist with humanitarian reconstruction and end "adverse foreign interference" in Afghanistan's affairs.
The report's authors are careful to stress that their findings and the testimony the recorded are not meant to be seen as representative of Afghanistan's entire population. They argue that the report can help illustrate the challenges Afghanistan faces in its struggle for peace and security.
Soviet lessons from Afghanistan
Andrew North BBC News Wednesday, 18 November 2009
All the most senior ministers were at the Afghan strategy meeting.
They knew things were not going well, but from their leader there was a whiff of panic.
"We just need to be sure that the final result does not look like a humiliating defeat: to have lost so many men and now abandoned it all... in short, we have to get out of there."
Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev - the speaker of those words - was understandably alarmed.
It was June 1986, almost a year since he had taken the decision to start withdrawing Soviet troops from Afghanistan and hand over more responsibility to the government there.
But Soviet losses, already above 10,000, kept mounting.
With conflicting signals this week about the direction of Western policy in Afghanistan, there is a hint of the same kind of panic and indecision.
Soviet exit strategy
US President Barack Obama is still deciding whether to send in thousands of US reinforcements.
Yet the British Prime Minister Gordon Brown - facing ever-greater opposition to the Afghan war - has been highlighting possibilities for UK troops to pull back in some areas next year.
It is less than two weeks since he was saying: "We cannot, must not and will not walk away."
But as Mr Gorbachev found, getting out is at least as difficult as staying in.
It took almost four years to pull out entirely - because of a combination of dithering over strategy and last-ditch efforts by Moscow to prop up its client government in Kabul in the hope of maintaining some pride and influence.
The former Soviet leader's difficulties are detailed in previously secret transcripts of Politburo meetings and diary entries recently released by the Washington-based National Security Archive.
They make sobering reading for British and American leaders, as they decide whether to double-up or cut their losses in Afghanistan.
There are certainly differences - not least America's determination to make the Soviet withdrawal as costly as possible in blood and treasure.
Lost battle
But there are echoes too of the difficulties the US and its allies face now.
By the late 1980s, Moscow's exit strategy was basically the same as Nato's today - to build up an allied government in Kabul with sufficient trained army and police forces to defend itself, thereby allowing foreign troops to leave.
But even with the backing of a 100,000-strong Soviet army and billions of rubles in aid, the Afghan government struggled to establish its legitimacy and authority much beyond the capital - much like President Hamid Karzai's Western-backed administration today.
This bleak assessment of the situation in late 1986 by the Soviet armed forces commander, Marshal Sergei Akhromeev, sounds eerily familiar.
"Military actions in Afghanistan will soon be seven years old," Mr Akhromeev told Mr Gorbachev at a November 1986 Politburo session.
"There is no single piece of land in this country which has not been occupied by a Soviet soldier. Nonetheless, the majority of the territory remains in the hands of rebels.
"The whole problem is that military results are not followed up by political actions. At the centre there is authority; in the provinces there is not.
"We control Kabul and the provincial centres, but on occupied territory we cannot establish authority. We have lost the battle for the Afghan people".
Familiar problems
By that point, Soviet trainers had created an Afghan army 160,000-strong - double the size of the force Nato has trained so far - together with thousands of much-feared secret policemen.
Yet once Soviet forces had left, they could do little more than defend Kabul and a few other cities.
Only massive military aid, coupled with incompetence and in-fighting among the US-backed mujahideen opposition, allowed the Afghan government Moscow left behind to cling on in Kabul for a few more years before finally collapsing.
There were familiar problems too with the financial assistance Moscow gave.
It hoped the funds would bolster the capacity of the Afghan government and pay for projects that would benefit people, winning hearts and minds.
However corruption rendered much of its useless.
As the Politburo discussed a new aid request from Kabul in January 1987, Marshal Sergei Sokolov said: "In 1981, we gave them 100m roubles of free assistance. And all of that went to the elite. And there was nothing in the hamlets - no kerosene, no matches."
Public divided on troop increase in Afghanistan: poll
Tue Nov 17, 11:02 pm ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – A majority of Americans expressed confidence U.S. President Barack Obama's new Afghanistan strategy will succeed, but they are divided over how many more U.S. troops to send there, according to a Washington Post-ABC News opinion poll released Tuesday.
Obama is weighing several options for boosting U.S. troop levels in Afghanistan and is expected to announce a new war strategy in coming weeks.
The Washington Post-ABC News poll found a majority of Americans, 55 percent, are confident Obama will choose an Afghan strategy that will work.
But Americans are evenly divided about the size of a troop increase Obama should approve as part of his new approach to the war, the Post said.
General Stanley McChrystal, the top U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan, has recommended an increase of 40,000 troops as the minimum for counterinsurgency to prevail.
There are already 68,000 U.S. troops in Afghanistan and another 40,000 from allied nations.
U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan Karl Eikenberry, who commanded U.S. troops in Afghanistan in 2006 and 2007, has expressed deep concerns about committing more U.S. troops to Afghanistan until Afghan president Hamid Karzai's government moves aggressively to attack corruption and mismanagement.
Forty-six percent of those polled support a large influx of troops to fight insurgents and train the Afghan military, while 45 percent back a smaller number of new U.S. forces more narrowly focused on training, according to the poll.
Among other poll findings, 45 percent approve of how Obama is handling the situation in Afghanistan, compared with 48 percent who disapprove -- up one percentage point from a month ago. Obama's overall approval rating remains virtually unchanged at 56 percent, according to the poll.
Once an area of rare cross-party accord, nearly three-quarters of Republicans now disapprove of how Obama is dealing with Afghanistan, with a majority disapproving "strongly," the Post reported.
Approval among independents slipped to 39 percent, a new low, the poll found.
Asked whether the war has been worth fighting given the costs to the United States versus the benefits, 52 percent of respondents said it was not worth fighting. Forty-four percent said it was worth it.
The telephone poll of 1,001 adults, conducted Thursday through Sunday, has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points.
(Reporting by JoAnne Allen; editing by Todd Eastham)
Afghan Corruption Concerns US Policy Planners
By Gary Thomas VOA News Washington, D.C 17 November 2009
Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai has been roundly criticized in the international community for presiding over a corrupt government. A new report reinforces the perception of widespread corruption in Afghanistan, naming it the second most corrupt country of all those surveyed. That worries American policy makers as they deliberate on the future U.S. strategy in Afghanistan.
In Transparency International's just-released 2009 survey of world corruption, Afghanistan was only one step above the bottom rung, ranking 179th out of 180 countries surveyed. According to the group's report, only another war-ravaged state, Somalia, is perceived as being more corrupt.
President Barack Obama is considering whether to send more troops to Afghanistan to battle the Taliban. Dispatching more troops would further commit the U.S. to a strategy of counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. The central premise of counterinsurgency is to win hearts and minds and weaken popular support for the insurgents.
Georgetown University Security Studies Professor Christine Fair points out corruption concerns policy makers because it undercuts Afghans' support for their government and support among Western nations for the enterprise in Afghanistan.
"I am not someone who goes around thinking this has to be a clean government. That being said, I do think that this counter-insurgency effort is not going to be successful until there is some handle on this corruption, at least to the point that the government can be seen as being effective," said Fair. "And it would not necessarily be as problematic as in some scenarios if it were not for the fact that the Taliban themselves actually market themselves as being the anti-corruption entity."
She adds that until recently, U.S. support for President Hamid Karzai was unquestioning, which may have fostered a climate of corruption.
"The problem is, it is not only the government," continued Fair. "It is just that we have facilitated it and enabled it and we have largely been insouciant about it for the past eight years. I mean, how can we say that we want Karzai to do something about his brother's alleged narcotics activities, while apparently the CIA has been paying the same brother?"
Former U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan Ronald Neumann tells VOA he believes President Karzai to be a decent man, but points out that he does not have a great deal of actual power outside of Kabul and has to be very careful about alienating some people. Ambassador Neumann says the Western nations have painted the Afghan leader into a corner with relentless criticism of his administration's conduct.
"I think, in very general terms, in the last year or two, that the strident public criticism and denunciation from the outside has also been a factor and has in my view has been something of a mistake," said Neumann. "The strident criticism, I think, is not effective, usually does not work. You know, when you shout at your wife in an argument it usually does not get her to agree with you. It is still worse among nations.
Ambassador Neumann, who has just published a memoir of his tenure in Afghanistan, says there are different kinds of corruption and that at least some lower level corruption is to be expected.
"It depends on what you are talking about. If you are talking about some money that bleeds around the edges to get a road paved, but you get the road paved, you get it paved on time, you get it paved to the quality it is supposed to be, frankly it is a nuisance," he added. "If you find that the road is not paved, or that the road is paved but breaks down because the corruption is so bad you do not get standards and quality, then you have got a major problem. This may be a little less purist than the normal view, but I think that it is more realistic."
Some analysts have argued that in some states, government is just so dysfunctional that corruption is actually the only thing that makes governmental machinery work. But Transparency International Director of Policy and Research Robin Hodess, says the idea that corruption works is an illusion.
"Even petty bribery, small bribery, is not a long-term sustainable approach to kind of grease the wheels," said Hodess. "It was always thought that you needed a little bit of something to get the system going. But in fact academic studies have shown that this is wrong-footed and that in the long run by not having a level playing field, by not building systems, by not creating competitive markets you are actually undermining development and you are undermining economic growth and you are taking away the trust of potential investors."
In an attempt to blunt the criticism, President Karzai just announced the creation of a new anti-corruption unit. Robin Hodess says creating a new anti-corruption body is common practice when confronted with corruption, but that the track record of such bodies is mixed.
"They can work, they can be effective. They need to be adequately resourced. They need to be independent," added Hodess. "They need to have full vested powers that are given them, whether it is of investigation or prosecution. Above all they need the political will behind them. And then they can be effective."
Only hours after Mr. Karzai's victory in the tainted election, President Obama welcomed the Afghan leader's pledge to eradicate corruption, but frankly warned the proof of those efforts will be not in words, but in deeds.
Afghan, Pakistani Taliban diverge on goals
THE WASHINGTON TIMES By Raza Khan 18 Nov 2009
ISLAMABAD, Pakistan - Both go by the name "Taliban," but militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan are increasingly diverging in their ultimate goal. The Pakistanis have joined al Qaeda's campaign to attack Western targets and spread radical Islam while the Afghans want to rid their country of foreign troops but harbor no global ambitions, according to a number of prominent analysts.
The split potentially complicates U.S. strategy in the region while opening a route toward negotiations in Afghanistan.
U.S. forces are battling a nationalistic Taliban in Afghanistan, but the internationally more ambitious Taliban, as well as al Qaeda, are located across the border in Pakistan, where the U.S. operates only with drones.
In a recent interview with a Pashto-language TV channel, Afghan Taliban commander Abdul Manan (also known as the Mullah Toor) condemned the Pakistani Taliban for targeting innocent civilians as "un-Islamic and wrong."
He also denied that al Qaeda influences the Afghan Taliban, a stark change from the 1990s when the Afghan group hosted Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda training camps and became the base for the Sept. 11 attacks.
White House National Security Adviser James L. Jones said last month that fewer than 100 al Qaeda members are left in Afghanistan and that most of al Qaeda is now based in Pakistan.
A U.S. drawdown from Afghanistan might make it easier for al Qaeda to re-establish itself in Afghanistan, but some analysts question whether al Qaeda would be welcome.
Ashraf Ali, a specialist on the Afghan Taliban movement, told The Washington Times that some former Taliban leaders, such as Afghanistan's former foreign minister, have been allowed to live freely in the Afghan capital, Kabul, to represent the Taliban in negotiations with other Afghan factions and potentially the U.S.
Mr. Ali noted that Wakil Ahmed Muttawakil, the former foreign minister, also has stated that the Afghan Taliban does not share al Qaedas global agenda of terrorism and that his Taliban was not a threat to the world peace.
"Afghan Taliban know well that it would be very difficult for the Americans to negotiate with them unless they clearly distance themselves from al Qaeda and its new allies, the Pakistani Taliban," Mr. Ali said.
12 October 2009
Clinton Says Us Committed to Success in Afghanistan
By Jennifer Glasse VOA News
U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton says Washington is committed to the goals set out for Afghanistan, but says much more is expected of the Afghan government. Clinton spoke while visiting Britain.
The commander of the British Army's 19th Light Brigade, Brigadier Tim Radford, just returned from Afghanistan. He says it was a long tour. He lost 66 men, many from roadside bombs.
"It has been a tour where we have seen things changed," he said. "We have faced an enemy who do not want to fight us force-on-force, rather they wanted to lay improvised explosive devices to halt us in our path and this summer total of 1,800 Improvised explosive devices laid in our path, so we have had to adapt quickly."
The U.S. administration is also trying to adapt to the changing situation in Afghanistan. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, on a European tour told British radio America's goal is clear.
"We are not changing our strategy, our strategy remains to achieve the goal of disrupting, dismantling and defeating al Qaida and its extremist allies, and denying them safe haven and the capacity to strike us here in London, or New York or anywhere else," said Clinton.
She says President Barack Obama is consulting with military commanders and other advisors to work out the best way forward in Afghanistan.
"The in-depth discussions we are having, where we are testing our assumptions, where we are looking at how better to integrate our civilian and military components and our very clear understanding that Pakistan and the region must be addressed as well, is leading to some welcome clarity and the kind of commitment that is needed," she added.
The top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, General Stanley McChrystal, has reportedly asked for up to 40,000 more troops. President Barack Obama has not indicated whether he will grant the request.
Clinton says whatever decision the president makes, the United States remains steadfast in Afghanistan.
"One should never doubt our commitment or our leadership, we intend to pursue the goal. We will not rest until we do defeat al-Qaida. But we want to be smart about how we are proceeding," she said. "The lives that our young men and women both American and British have put at risk and lost are very much on our minds, and we intend to get this as right as its humanly possible."
Part of rethinking the situation includes redefining the enemy.
"We are doing much more careful analysis of who actually is allied to al-Qaida. Not everyone who calls himself a Taliban is necessarily a threat to the U.K. or the United States," said Clinton. "There well may be a number of people who are considered Taliban because they get paid to fight, because they see no alternative."
General McChrystal has said winning the population's trust is central to success in Afghanistan.
The Secretary of State emphasized that many factors are being considered. One of them is the political situation. Afghanistan held elections in August but the results are contested amidst allegations of fraud. Clinton said if incumbent Hamid Karzai emerges as the winner, he will have to change.
"If this election results in his being re-elected, there must be a new relationship between him and the people of Afghanistan and between his government and governments like yours and mine, which are supporting the efforts in Afghanistan to stabilize and secure the country," she said.
The British Prime minister is expected to make an announcement about Afghanistan on Wednesday, but all eyes are on the United States and what President Obama will decide is the best way to achieve America's goals in Afghanistan.
U.N. Official Says He Did Not Ignore Afghan Fraud
By Joshua Partlow Washington Post Foreign Service Monday, October 12, 2009
KABUL, Oct. 11 -- The embattled head of the United Nations mission in Afghanistan on Sunday denied allegations by his former American deputy that he chose to ignore evidence of fraud in August's disputed elections and acted in a biased manner that favored President Hamid Karzai.
U.N. special envoy Kai Eide described the Aug. 20 election in Afghanistan as "marred by so many problems, not least, as you know, widespread fraud." But he said neither he nor the mission acted inappropriately during the process.
"What I have done is to implement my mandate with the full support of the international community," he said.
The seven weeks since the election, without a declared winner and with little trust in the process, have thrust Afghanistan into a dangerous political limbo. Eide and the United Nations have been swept up in this controversy because Peter W. Galbraith, his former deputy, accused him of playing down fraud in order to favor Karzai's chances at reelection.
At a news conference in which he was flanked by Western ambassadors, Eide responded to the allegations. He said that they were "personal attacks against me and my integrity" and that "it has not been dignified, it has not been fair, it has not been true."
The public dispute between Eide and Galbraith has roiled the U.N. mission in Afghanistan, leading to Galbraith's firing on Sept. 30 and the resignation of at least three other U.N. employees. It prompted Karzai's challenger, Abdullah Abdullah, to question the credibility of the United Nations, and some Afghan parliament members called for Eide's removal.
"For weeks, Eide had been denying or playing down the fraud in Afghanistan's recent presidential election, telling me he was concerned that even discussing the fraud might inflame tensions in the country," Galbraith wrote Oct. 4 in an article in The Washington Post's Outlook section.
Throughout the election and its aftermath, the United States has sought to appear impartial and to focus publicly on supporting a fair process. But the scope of fraud allegations and concerns over the United Nations' neutrality have made many Afghans doubt the legitimacy of the results.
In what was intended to be a show of international support, Eide appeared at the news conference alongside ambassadors from the United States, Britain and France, although the envoys did not speak or take questions.
The Electoral Complaints Commission is expected to finish this week a review of suspect ballots and fraud claims. Those results will determine whether Karzai, who received 54.6 percent of the vote, wins, or whether enough fraudulent votes are thrown out to force a second-round runoff.
Eide said the dispute has exacerbated an already contentious election by "heightening the temperature" of the discussion about its fairness.
Before his dismissal, Galbraith was the highest-ranking American in the U.N. mission in Afghanistan. He has said he wanted to close polling sites in areas where violence prevented security forces or election officials from attending. He said that such "ghost polling centers," which could not open anyway, produced hundreds of thousands of fraudulent votes for Karzai.
Eide said that Galbraith wanted to close 1,200 of the roughly 7,000 polling sites that were initially planned, but that Eide thought too many Afghans would be prevented from voting. With military operations attempting to provide security, Eide thought 6,500 could open, although on election day around 6,200 opened.
"I could not take a decision one month before the election that would already disenfranchise a large number of Afghans," he said. "If we have done that, it would in itself have created an important element of potential instability in the country."
Galbraith also said Eide did not turn over to the Electoral Complaints Commission U.N. data on voter turnout that showed widespread discrepancies between turnout estimates and the number of votes counted, particularly in volatile southern and eastern provinces. Eide said the information -- some of it gathered by phone calls from second- or third-hand sources -- was unreliable.
"I did not prevent any information to go forward that could in any sense contribute to concealing any fraud," he said.
Despite the problems with the election, Eide insisted that a fair decision would emerge. The result, he said, "should be acceptable to the Afghan people."
Key Democrat wants boost in forces in Afghanistan
by Richard Lardner, Associated Press Writer – Sun Oct 11, 2:28 pm ET
WASHINGTON – The U.S. mission in Afghanistan is in "serious jeopardy" and needs more troops to turn the tide against an increasingly potent Taliban insurgency, the head of the Senate Intelligence Committee said Sunday, putting her at odds with an influential Democratic colleague on military matters
Sen. Dianne Feinstein's views are more closely aligned with those of key Republicans than members of her own party. Sen. Carl Levin, chairman of Senate Armed Services Committee, urged a more methodical approach that begins with crafting a new, comprehensive strategy for Afghanistan.
"I'm saying at this time, don't send more combat troops," said Levin, D-Mich., who wants the emphasis to be on strengthening Afghanistan's own security forces so they can bear a greater share of the security burden.
But Feinstein, D-Calif., whose post gives her access to sensitive information about the war's progress, said delaying the reinforcements also puts the forces already in Afghanistan at greater risk. She pointed to an Oct. 3 battle in northeastern Afghanistan in which eight U.S. soldiers were killed during an enemy attack on their remote outpost.
"We didn't have the ability to defend them, and now the base is closing, and effectively we're retreating away from it," she said.
The diverging opinions came as President Barack Obama and his war council wrestle with how many more troops might be needed in the 8-year-old Afghanistan conflict. Key to the deliberations are whether to focus the fighting more narrowly on al-Qaida or more broadly on Taliban insurgents.
Obama's military commanders are pressing him to escalate the war despite slipping U.S. support for the fight. Army Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, is believed to have presented Obama with a range of options, from adding as few as 10,000 troops to — the general's strong preference — as many as 40,000. There are already about 68,000 American forces in Afghanistan.
Levin said a better blueprint for the way ahead in Afghanistan is even more important than additional personnel. He also said key points in McChrystal's 66-page assessment of the situation in Afghanistan have been lost in the noisy debate over the right number of additional troops and how quickly they need to be sent.
"He also says deliberate," Levin said of McChrystal's review. "Take the right amount of time to think this thing through. And he also says that what is even more important than numbers is the resolve."
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McChrystal's request, while important, is only one piece of what Obama has to consider, Levin said.
The eventual plan needs to includes more U.S. trainers to make Afghan security forces more effective, Levin said. There also needs to be a way to persuade Taliban fighters to switch sides, he said, calling the current shortage of Afghan forces is an "Achilles' heel."
"The surge that will really work in Afghanistan is a surge of Afghan troops," Levin said.
Meanwhile, Republicans argued that Obama would be making a major mistake if he doesn't quickly answer McChrystal's call for more troops.
Sen. John McCain, the top Republican on the Armed Services Committee, said it would be "an error of historic proportions" if Obama decides against a significantly larger U.S. presence. Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said Afghan national police are "getting slaughtered" and thousands more forces are needed to bring security and stability to the country.
"It's hard to train people, send them off to fight when they get killed ... at their first duty station," said Graham, who is also a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., said that a request by Obama for more troops as advised by commanders would meet with broad support in the Senate. Although he acknowledged massive fraud in elections in Afghanistan and called its government flawed, McConnell said the strategy there is about protecting the U.S.
"We know that this has been a haven for terrorists in the past and we don't want to let it become a haven for terrorists again," he said.
Feinstein appeared on ABC's "This Week." Levin and Graham spoke on NBC's "Meet the Press" while McConnell appeared on CBS' "Face the Nation." McCain appeared on CNN's "State of the Union" in an interview taped Friday.
Afghanistan: Obama's Unanswered Questions
by Tucker Reals
This story was filed by CBS News foreign affairs analyst Pamela Falk at the United Nations
Eight years ago this month, the war in Afghanistan began, and in the coming weeks, President Obama will decide, after intense deliberation with his war council, what to do next.
The most puzzling, and troubling aspect of the deliberations, is how many genuinely basic questions remain unanswered. What are the goals? Who is in charge of the country where 100,000 troops are serving under U.S. and NATO command (and Mr. Obama is considering a dramatic increase)? And, of course, why?
Last week, the Associated Press reported a senior administration official had said that President Obama was ready to accept some Taliban involvement in Afghanistan's future, and that U.S. troops would focus on al Qaeda. By way of explanation, White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said some Taliban are in cahoots with al Qaeda, and some are not.
Negotiating with the Taliban to allow some warlords to survive politically, in exchange for ridding the country of terrorists, seems to be a "Charlie Wilson's War" scenario the Obama administration might consider.
But memories are short. A few years ago, the Pakistani government (then President Pervez Musharraf) held local tribal council meetings, or "jirgas," with the Taliban to negotiate just that sort of arrangement.
After a lot of questioning in the British Parliament, it was revealed that the U.K. foreign intelligence agency, known as the MI6, was holding secret meetings with the Taliban for the same purpose: to convince them to give up al Qaeda.
All to no avail. But don't despair. There's a new plan, announced last month, to hold peace talks with Taliban supreme leader Mullah Omar, with the help of Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah.
Since the 2001 invasion, Afghanistan has become a lot more complicated. A U.N. report issued last month concluded there is a "marriage of convenience" between anti-government insurgents and criminal groups which has spawned narcotics cartels in Afghanistan with direct links to the Taliban — and the report said collusion with corrupt Afghan officials is creating a crisis of security and law enforcement, and promoting widespread money laundering.
Finally, add to the murky issue of just whom the U.S. is fighting the current confusion over just who is running the corrupt, judicially challenged government the U.S. is defending.
This week, Afghan authorities expect to make a final decision on the disputed August presidential election: If they decide there was widespread fraud and the current President Hamid Karzai did not win by enough votes, they will announce a run-off between Karzai and his main opponent, Abdullah Abdullah.
Meanwhile, the very public dispute between the head of the U.N. Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) and his deputy — as well as the delay in the issuance of a final U.N. report on the August elections — has brought to light the problem of fraud in the election and has the potential to undermine the Obama administration's military mission in Afghanistan, the Karzai government and the U.N. Mission.
But that decision is murky as well, since the head of the U.N. Mission, Norwegian diplomat Kai Eide (at left), sent his top deputy, diplomat Peter Galbraith, home and his position was then terminated by U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
The Secretary-General is distancing himself from both the firing of Galbraith and the election monitoring, making the point that the report is not yet complete and the truth will come out, and that the decision to fire Galbraith was not based on his political position but rather on "irreconcilable differences" between the head of the mission and his deputy.
"Fraud took place; no one can deny this," Michele Montas, spokesperson for Secretary-General Ban told CBS News. "But what is important is that the measures that were put in place to detect fraud have worked, and that the willingness and mechanisms to address the fraud are there."
On Sunday, Eide held a press conference to acknowledge widespread fraud and rejected Galbraith's allegations of a cover-up. Later that night, Galbraith seemed to indicate that a run-off is in the cards when he told CBS News, "Kai Eide belatedly recognized the electoral fraud that he had been downplaying for the last seven weeks. The U.N. now needs to show leadership and resolve to make sure the second round is better than the first."
If there is a run-off it will likely take place in late October or early November, but that's only if the harsh Afghan winter doesn't force a postponement until next spring.
So, to set it straight: We don't really know what the goals are, or who is running Afghanistan, but President Obama is mulling the options. This is confusing. These appear to me to be sort of fundamental questions.
Albert Einstein once said, "Science is wonderfully equipped to answer the question 'How?' but it gets terribly confused when you ask the question 'Why?'"
It seems U.S. policy in Afghanistan may be the same. The Obama administration is asking how, but the American public — and analysts — will get very confused if we begin to ask why. There may very well be a policy argument to make that American interests and security are tied up in the Afghan conflict. But the fundamental questions must be answered first.
150,000 troops to defeat 300 Al Qaeda in Afghanistan & Pakistan?
San Francisco Chronicle
In 2002 and 2003, there was no Al Qaeda presence in Iraq. George W. Bush's collaborators in the biggest lie in world history that included all the neo-conservatives and their Republican cohorts are now asking the President to pay attention to Afghanistan.
We have 68,000-strong troops in Afghanistan to clean up the less than 300 Al Qaeda fighters who are holed up in Pakistan. According to the president's national security adviser, Gen. James Jones there are less than 100 Al Qaeda fighters in Afghanistan.
Why do we need another 40,000 - 80,000 troops to fight 300 - 400 Al Qeada fighters?
Republicans who basically said, "Forget Afghanistan because Iraq was the central front for terror" now insist that Afghanistan is the new central front.
Huh?
Why are the Republicans always behind the wrong war against Al Qaeda? Have they forgotten the real war? Have they heard of Somalia and Yemen?
The war is against Al Qaeda and it is not a geographically defined war.
The Taliban are fighting to get us out of Afghanistan like they fought against the British and the Soviets. Their cause is liberating their land from an occupying force. Al Qaeda makes for convenient allies since they were there (the Taliban left for Pakistan's tribal ares already) anyway. This subtlety is not insignificant. It is the crux of the matter. We can win over the Taliban (who by the way were the same mudjahadeen we supported during the Soviet occupation) if we improve the conditions for the Pashtuns and other tribes and quit supporting a hopelessly corrupt government.
We have the capacity to isolate the Taliban from Al Qaeda. We can also isolate the Taliban from the majority Pashtuns. We can build coalition governments with various factions like we did in the Balkans. We can also emasculate the Taliban to a force that only has small weapons with no tanks, large armaments, navy or air force.
Think about the failure of judgment made by every Republican from George Bush, the neo-conservative cabal of Rumsfeld and company to Senator John McCain.
There were the lies about how Iraq collaborated with Al Qaeda's attack on America. There were the lies about WMD evidence. Did you forget they also blamed Iraq for the anthrax attacks in Washington? How about we would win the Iraq war "easily." More than once John McCain predicted that the Sunnis and the Shiites would "probably get along" in post-Saddam Iraq because there was "not a history of clashes" between them. What Middle East history book did McCain read?
In the past 6 years, McCain and his Republican party minimized or dismissed the growing threats in Afghanistan and Pakistan over the past six years because they believed it would take away from George Bush's crusade in Iraq.
After 9/11 John McCain said could "in the long term" somehow "muddle through" in Afghanistan. In 2005, McCain was still speaking about the "remarkable success" in Afghanistan.
In 2007 McCain gave President Pervez Musharraf his approval when the Pakistani President signed a truce with the Taliban. Afghanistan didn't even merit a mention among the national security planks on McCain's campaign Web site. Last week he said "I think the reason why we didn't do a better job on Afghanistan is our attention, either rightly or wrongly was on Iraq."
We?
Last time I checked Iraq was the Republicans' war and the decision to send a small Special Forces team to catch Bin Laden in Tora Bora was made by a Republican White House. It was also the Republicans who paid no attention to Afghanistan till it became the massive clusterfoot it is today. It was the Republican President and congress who ignored Afghanistan for almost eight years.
Last week, McCain, Joe Lieberman and Lindsey Graham wrote an op-ed piece in the Wall Street Journal saying:
"We have no choice but to go all-in on Afghanistan, rightly or wrongly... because the U.S. walked away from Afghanistan once before, following the Soviet collapse and the result was 9/11. We must not make that mistake again."
So these fake war analysts cum Senators want the country to believe the simplistic view that the Taliban is Al Qaeda and Al Qaeda is the Taliban.
Why should we listen to the people who screwed up Iraq and forgot Afghanistan? The definition of stupidity is doing the same thing bad things over and over again and expecting a different result.
Blowhards.
If you talk to the boys on the ground in Afghanistan, they will tell you as they have told me there is no linkage between Taliban commanders in Afghanistan and senior Al Qaeda members.
If there is no link between Al Qaeda and the Taliban today, what's the situation really like? The Taliban are 95% Pashtun and Sunni Muslim specifically Wahhabi and Deobandi. Most of their money comes from donations from Gulf Arab money sources who do it for "religious reasons". Saudi Sunni Wahhabis have a more direct link to the Taliban than Al Qaeda.
The link between Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (Pakistani Taliban) and the Afghan Taliban is Pashtun and tribal in nature and even these two factions have totally different ideological goals.
How can we win against the stateless terrorists scattered from Pakistan, Somalia, the Pakistani/Afghan border, the Southern Philippines, India, Yemen, Indonesia, Mali and stragglers in other Islamic countries? I can tell you unequivocally it won't be done by sending 150,000 troops to chase down 200 - 400 committed Al Qaeda losers in Afghanistan at the cost of $2.6 billion a month (before sending another 40,000 - 80,000 troops) that has no end date. With an escalation, it would be safe to say the Afghan war would cost $3.5 billion - $4 billion per month for a war with no end in sight.
It makes no frigging sense. People complain health care costs $900 billion in 10 years and call it generational theft. Remember the British were there for 80 years. Can America afford tens of thousands of lives and $3.8 trillion?
Hamid Karzai is a delegitimized head of state who clearly stole the elections and did it so poorly that his opponents scored zero votes in their own home towns. Karzai's brother is neck deep in the opium and narcotics trade. It is impossible to be seen as legitimate arbiters of a new Afghanistan if we prop up Karzai's corruption. Why would we have our men and women support such a corrupt regime? Doing so would destroy any goodwill we built up with all Afghans when we overthrew the Taliban government.
Last October 3, U.N. deputy special representative in Afghanistan Peter Galbraith wrote in a letter published in the Washington Post:
Afghanistan's presidential election, held Aug. 20, should have been a milestone in the country's transition from 30 years of war to stability and democracy. Instead, it was just the opposite. As many as 30 percent of Karzai's votes were fraudulent, and lesser fraud was committed on behalf of other candidates. In several provinces, including Kandahar, four to 10 times as many votes were recorded as voters actually cast. The fraud has handed the Taliban its greatest strategic victory in eight years of fighting the United States and its Afghan partners.
Last January, the Defense Department issued a report assessing progress in Afghanistan and concluded that "building a fully competent and independent Afghan government will be a lengthy process that will last, at a minimum, decades."
Gen. David Petraeus said that real counterinsurgency requires 20 to 25 troops for each thousand residents so we would need 640,000 troops for the 32 million Afghans. Would we really do this?
Afghanistan is poor, large, geographically impossible, more tribally fragmented, more populous than Vietnam or Iraq and has proven very hard to conquer. Bush sent his surge forces to Iraq only after Sunni leaders in Anbar Province got royally pissed at Al Qaeda and asked for American support. There is no "Awakening" in Afghanistan. Most Afghans don't feel threatened by the Taliban and aren't asking for American protection. Afghans see Americans as occupiers.
We don't even do civic action, well digging or building schools anymore. That used to be the discretion of an Army field officer. They could write up CERPs (Commander's Emergency Response Program) and begin community reconstruction projects. CERPs started in Iraq and was adapted in Afghanistan. Field commanders used to be able use their judgment and write up CERP projects for villages. They then could dig wells, put in water systems, etc.
Now a CERP program cannot begin without approval from the higher command. That now requires months of approval and the field commander on the ground is no longer allowed to do it. Whoever made that decision took away the field commander's ability to help shape and reinforce an area. In my opinion, taking away the CERP tool from a field commander is incompatible with McChrystal's "hearts and minds" strategy.
Henry Crumpton, an adviser to General Stanley McChrystal said, "Right now, the overwhelming majority of civilians are in Kabul, and the overwhelming majority never leave their compounds. Our entire system of delivering aid is broken, and very little of the aid is getting to the Afghan people."
The enemy of the United States is Al Qaeda and it is led by Osama Bin Laden and he has moved away from Afghanistan.
The enemy is no longer in Afghanistan.
The Enemy in Afghanistan
A transcript of the weekend's program on FOX News Channel.
Wall Street Journal 12 Oct 2009
Paul Gigot: This week on "The Journal Editorial Report," Obama's Afghanistan decision. The White House weighs its next step and finds a four-star antagonist for its wartime jitters. And health care's big break. The CBO breathes new life into the Democrats' reform plan and offers political cover to skittish members of Congress. Plus, the administration touts the success of its stimulus as unemployment hits new highs. So where are those jobs? All that and the president's Peace Prize, next.
*** Gigot: Welcome to "The Journal Editorial Report." I'm Paul Gigot.
Eight years after the beginning of the war and amid a trumped-up dispute with his top commander, President Obama met with his national-security team this week to consider his next step in Afghanistan. The president appears to be undecided about how to respond to the proposal by Gen. Stanley McChrystal for a major troop buildup. In a report that was partially leaked last month, the general warned that the war in Afghanistan could be lost without a new injection of U.S. forces, and he has reportedly asked the president to send him up to 40,000 more soldiers.
Kimberly Kagan is the founder and president of the Institute for the Study of War. she served as a member of Gen. McChrystal's strategic assessment team in June and July of this year.
Kim Kagan, welcome. Good to have you here.
Kagan: Thank you very much.
Gigot: So, you--so Gen. McChrystal has submitted his plan for a counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan. You support that. Why?
Kagan: I do. In order to have a correct strategy for a war, we actually have to understand, first, the nature of the conflict. And the nature of the conflict in Afghanistan is an insurgency. That is to say, there are elements of the population that are rejecting the legitimacy of the government and trying to overthrow that government and establish a government of their own. Of course, the key movements among this are the Taliban, led by Mullah Omar and his Quetta Shura, and they really see themselves as the legitimate government of Afghanistan. So in order to proceed to success in Afghanistan, we have to start by understanding that we have an insurgency. It is an indigenous insurgency, and it sees itself as the government of Afghanistan. That's what it's trying to do.
Gigot: All right, but here's the argument that you hear the opponents say: Look, Afghanistan is much bigger than Iraq. It's got an enormous amount of territory, and it's ill-governed. And therefore, you can't--40,000 troops, even 40,000 more troops really won't be enough troops to practice a proper counterinsurgency in that large an environment and that ungovernable a place. How do you respond to that?
Kagan: Afghanistan, first of all, is governable, and throughout history, throughout recent history, has been governed, with the exception of the past 30 years, when Afghanistan has been torn by civil war. In order to succeed with a counterinsurgency strategy, what we need to do is to protect the population of Afghanistan from the campaigns of intimidation and campaigns of assassination that the Taliban is engaged in, in critical areas. And by critical areas, I mean those that are important to the Taliban, those that are important to the government, and those that are important to us.
So in order to secure Afghanistan, we have to generate population security, but we don't have to generate it across the whole country. We need to generate it in the Pashtun, areas where the insurgency is real, and where basically tribes have historically supported the government or historically been anti-Taliban, but over time, because we haven't been able to protect the people, have turned ever more passively and actively to supporting the Taliban because it's their only choice.
Gigot: So--
Kagan: So rather than securing the whole country, we just need to secure certain parts.
Gigot: So do you think that 40,000 troops is really enough? Because--what do we have, about 140,000 Afghanistan soldiers and police, and that's not nearly the same number we had in Iraq, even though we have a bigger territory here. So is 40,000 really adequate, or should we need more?
Kagan: I think that 40,000 is the minimum quantity that we need in order to be able to change the dynamics of the fight. The enemy now has momentum. It now has initiative throughout the Pashtun areas in the south. Forty thousand troops gives us enough, I think, to secure some of the areas of the south that are really critical--around Kandahar, around Helmand, and perhaps some of the areas in the east that are also critical, around Khost and other places--and reverse the process by which the enemy has taken control of these areas.
Gigot: Well, what about--
Kagan: Is it enough to win? I don't know, but it's certainly enough to change the direction of the fight.
Gigot: Well, what about the argument that in fact, the Taliban really isn't the United States' enemy. The United States' enemy, the people who attacked us on 9/11, were al Qaeda, and we can go after al-Qaeda in the border areas in Afghanistan and Pakistan with a counterterrorism strategy--that is, go back to our bases, use search-and-destroy missions from those bases, and go after al-Qaeda, and the Taliban really isn't our fight. It's the Afghans' fight, but it's not our fight. What's wrong with that argument?
Kagan: First, I think we must be clearer of that, in fact, al Qaeda recognizes the Taliban as the legitimate government of Afghanistan and that the Taliban and the Haqqani network, the major group that we're fighting in eastern Afghanistan, have had longstanding ties to al Qaeda, and in particular to Osama bin Laden, and in fact, we're responsible for inviting him into the country. And those ties persist today. So let us not think that just because the Taliban sees itself as the government of Afghanistan that it doesn't see that government of Afghanistan as part of the overall spectrum of al Qaeda governance throughout the region and indeed throughout the globe. They're just the province of Afghanistan.
Gigot: So your argument would be--
Kagan: But secondly--
Gigot: But wait a minute. Just a second, Kim. Your argument would be if, in fact, the Taliban does begin to take over parts of Afghanistan, which might happen if we withdraw in part or whole, that al Qaeda would, in fact, come back and use that, those areas as a sanctuary?
Kagan: I do indeed believe that that is the case, because al Qaeda has explicitly said that it recognizes the Taliban as the legitimate leadership and hopes for its return for that reason. And al Qaeda needs a safe haven and a sanctuary. So we mustn't delude ourselves into thinking that these are two different groups that have no common ideology or objectives. So indeed, I do think that that's a great risk.
But I think we should also talk about the problems of a pure counterterrorism strategy that has been discussed in the White House, because of what we've learned from our experience in Iraq, and also from our experiences in Pakistan, and from Afghanistan, is that, in fact, we need to have troops on the ground in order to provide the intelligence that we need, in order to conduct the kinds of strikes that we would like to conduct against high-value terrorists. And without forces on the ground, we cannot succeed in a counterterrorism campaign.
Gigot: All right, we can't get that kind of intelligence unless you actually have boots on the ground.
OK, Kimberly Kagan, thanks so much for joining us.
Kagan: Thank you very much.
Gigot: When we come back, health care's big break. Momentum builds ahead of Tuesday's Finance Committee vote. The CBO score gives skittish Senators the cover they need, and some prominent Republicans voice their support for the Obama overhaul.
*** Gigot: Democrats breathed a big sigh of relief this week after the Congressional Budget Office declared the Baucus health-care bill would reduce the federal deficit by $81 billion. The much-anticipated CBO score may give political cover to skittish members of both parties, just as some prominent Republicans hop aboard the reform train.
Joining the panel this week, Wall Street Journal columnist and deputy editor Dan Henninger, senior editorial page writer Joe Rago and senior economics writer Steve Moore.
So, Joe, we learned this week that miracles do happen.
Rago: Yeah, that's right.
Gigot: You can have a new entitlement for millions of people, and it will reduce the deficit. How do this they conjure this miracle?
Rago: Well, you know, where to begin, Paul? You know, you've got 10 years of program, six years of revenue.
Gigot: Because spending on this program doesn't begin until, what, 20--
Rago: Until 2014.
Gigot: --14. But the taxes begin--
Rago: Next year.
Gigot: --next year.
Rago: I mean, you've got all sorts of phantom spending cuts that will never happen in practice. You've got big tax increases on the health-insurance industry that will be passed down to all policyholders.
Gigot: So $190 billion worth of tax increases on insurers, on device makers, on pharmaceutical companies.
Rago: On hospitals.
Gigot: How is that going to reduce the cost of health care? If you tax somebody and they pass--more, and they pass the costs on to consumers, won't that raise the price?
Rago: Well, you know, that's part of the reason the situation is so absurd. And the way the media and the press is taking--and the political class is taking this, you'd think they'd be a little bit more skeptical of what's going on here.
Gigot: Dan, do you believe this, or is this a faith-based exercise?
Henninger: Well, I think it's a faith-based exercise, but I also think maybe they're playing with fire. Clearly, the Democrats have decided they're going to get something out of this, no matter how they have to do it. But I think, you know, the town halls were real. That anxiety was real. People--look, 67% at a minimum have no idea what's going on with this bill. And I think people go into their doctors, they ask them, the doctors probably say to them, You know, I have some concerns of my own. And if what they enact then causes problems in the medical system of the sort that we've been writing about for months, I think there's going to be a backlash against what they've done and a backlash against the Democrats who've enacted it.
Gigot: But you know, Steve, there appears to be some momentum behind this, because you had Bob Dole come out this week and say he was in favor of some of the president's reforms in principle. You had Arnold Schwarzenegger, the governor of California, say the same thing. You have Bill Frist, former majority leader of the Senate, come out--well, he back-tracked a bit, but he endorsed it in principle. Doesn't this bill have new momentum?
Moore: It does. But, Paul, I don't think that you're going to see many Republicans, in the end, vote for anything like the Baucus bill. Possibly, they might get Olympia Snowe of Maine and maybe one or two possible other Republicans, but I don't see this as being anywhere near a bipartisan bill in the end.
And I want it say something about this Congressional Budget Office score, because, you know, Paul, you and I have been in this game a long time. And we know that what has been driving these enormous deficits that we've seen for the last 10 and 20 years, and what's driving the forecasts of enormous deficits in the future, is precisely runaway entitlement costs. We create these programs, and the costs gallop out of control, and we simply can't get them under control. And so this idea that somehow we're going to create this trillion-dollar new entitlement and it's going to reduce the deficit, Paul, that doesn't pass the laugh test to me.
Gigot: Well, and on that point, Joe, they say they're going to get several hundred million dollars out of Medicare--of course, without reducing any kind of quality of care, but they are going to do it. How do they manage that?
Rago: I think the only real cut is about $120 billion that comes out of a program called Medicare Advantage, which gives 1 out of 5 seniors private options.
Gigot: In Medicare, private insurance option.
Rago: Private insurance options within the Medicare program. But you know, one thing they have is, every year, Medicare automatically cuts fees to doctors, which Congress then promptly reverses.
Gigot: And calls it savings.
Rago: And calls it savings.
Rago: So, I mean, you just take--you take these $200 billion of costs off the books and then fill it back in every year.
Gigot: Yeah, and so when you're passing something new, you can say you're using it to pay for it when, in fact, those savings never happen. And that's one reason the deficits explode in the future.
There's one other thing I want to ask you about, and that is Medicaid. This bill is going to expand Medicaid in the state--it's a joint state-federal program--really, by tens of billions of dollars. But there are some senators who are getting a carve-out for some of their states. Tell us about that.
Rago: Well, you know, Harry Reid--
Gigot: Senate majority leader.
Rago: --senate majority leader.
Gigot: Nevada.
Rago: There's a big population in Nevada that's going to go on Medicaid. And normally those costs would be split with the states and Congress. He gets a huge bailout. Michigan gets a huge bailout. There's other elements.
Gigot: New York, Chuck Schumer. I think he's got one in there too.
Rago: New York, Chuck Schumer. You know, they've got the tax on high-cost insurance policies. All sorts of politically connected Democrats get a pass for their states on those. So you're really seeing health care for thee, but not for me.
Gigot: It's good to be the king. All right, thanks, Joe.
When we come back, Vice President Joe Biden declares mission accomplished. He says that the economic stimulus plan has succeeded beyond his, quote, "wildest dreams," unquote. So where are those jobs?
*** Vice President Biden: We have created or saved somewhere between 750 and a million, two hundred thousand jobs in America. We're reinvesting. We're reinvesting and getting people off their knees, back to work.
Gigot: That was Vice President Joe Biden on Monday, touting the success of the administration's economic stimulus plan. But where are all those jobs? His remarks came just three days after the Labor Department announced another 260,000 lost jobs in September, bringing the unemployment rate to a 26-year high of 9.8%. Overall, the economy has shed 2.8 million jobs since the stimulus passed in February.
We're back with Dan Henninger and Steve Moore. And also joining the panel, editorial board member Jason Riley.
So, Steve, we've got 3% to 4% growth, people are saying, in the third quarter and probably into the fourth quarter. That's a growing economy--not great from the lows, but it's growing. So where are the jobs?
Moore: Well, you know, you played that Joe Biden clip, and the joke in Washington these days, Paul, is that Barack Obama's going to want to trade in Joe Biden under the cash-for-clunkers programs if he keeps talking like this, because nobody really believes that we're creating jobs. As you said, we lost 260,000 jobs last month. We've lost almost three million jobs since the stimulus plan was originated.
Gigot: But why are we losing them, Steve? Why are we losing those jobs? Why aren't we seeing some new job creation with the recovery?
Moore: Where would they come from, Paul? Everything that we have done in the last year, I would argue, has been bearish for jobs. I mean, we keep loading new costs on small businesses; we have bailouts and huge stimulus plans that--government spending does not create jobs. And I can't think of single thing we're doing in Washington that is inspiring businesses to expand and to hire new workers. In fact, I would argue just the opposite. All of the new taxes and all of the new debt and all of the threats of inflation from all the money creation is actually causing businesses to contract their operations.
Gigot: Look, $800 billion worth of stimulus, $780 billion, that's a lot of money. And they promised that if you had the stimulus, you would have unemployment below 8%--with the stimulus below 8%, without it they said it would get to about 9%. It's 9.8%. Why hasn't that created jobs?
Riley: Well, a lot of that stimulus money has not kicked in yet. It hasn't been used yet.
Gigot: But $300 billion or $400 billion of it has.
Riley: Three hundred or $400 billion. In the meantime, one of the things Steve left out is that we've raised the minimum wage. That is increasing the cost of hiring people.
Gigot: Particularly for low-skilled workers.
Riley: Particularly for low-skilled, less-experienced workers.
Gigot: What's the teenage unemployment right now, 26%? And for--
Riley: Astronomical.
Gigot: And for black male teenagers?
Riley: It's even worse.
Gigot: Fifty percent.
Riley: It's even worse. But to Steve's point, where is the growth going to come from? If you're an entrepreneur, what prospects do you see out there for you in the Obama economic agenda? He is going to increase taxes on dividends and capital gains. He's going to increase taxes on top earners. These are the most productive members of our society. These are the people who create jobs, who expand businesses, who build factories. What do they have to look forward to in Obama's economic agenda?
Henninger: Well, let's elaborate on this a little bit. There's a lot of talk around Washington now of trying to resurrect a $3,000 tax credit for new hires.
Gigot: For each person that a company would hire, 3,000 bucks.
Henninger: Yeah.
Gigot: But won't that help?
Henninger: Well, no, It's essentially a zero-sum operation. You're basically taking tax money from Peter to hire Paul.
Gigot: Because you're imposing taxes on the company for each hire you make.
Henninger: Yeah.
Gigot: And here we're saying, "Well, look, we're not getting any hiring, here's some relief."
Henninger: Right.
Gigot: Temporary relief.
Riley: And it also is going to be--
Gigot: Two years, maybe, three years, maybe.
Henninger: It's only the strongest regions, like the Southeast and the Southwest, that are likely to take advantage of a tax credit like this. The Northeast, which is flat on its back, is unlikely to really use this sort of thing to hire new workers.
Riley: And the other point is that it's temporary, as you just mentioned. This job that will be created will be--last only as long as the credit in most cases. I mean, if we really wanted to stimulate growth permanently, we would lower the payroll tax. That is what businesses need.
Gigot: But Steve, some of the Republicans in Congress are supporting this nonetheless. Eric Cantor, the--who is a member of the House leadership, has said he likes this idea, let's talk about it. What do you think, is this--is this a real prospect of passing?
Moore: Yeah. I don't know. But I'll say this. I think, Paul, that the Republicans are playing small ball when it comes to the economy right now. I think this economy is in a lot of trouble. I think, when you look at the collapse of the dollar, when you look at the fact that when you count people that aren't even looking for jobs, we've got a 17% unemployment rate, I think we should be talking about major things to create jobs. And it goes back to what Jason said, is, why don't we do across-the-board tax cuts, either cut the payroll tax or the income tax rate for small businesses?
And, Jason, don't forget, you're right about the impact of the payroll tax, but if you look at the health-care bill that is passing in the House, they actually increase the payroll tax by 8%. I mean, my goodness, how can we possibly be talking about raising the payroll tax when we have 15 million unemployed Americans?
Gigot: So how big a problem is unemployment going to be here going into next year? I think wer're going to see job growth. My worry is it's not going to be really great job growth, just a little bit at a time.
Henninger: Back to your earlier point, companies have been shedding jobs to restore their balance sheet. They have been cutting it, and it's not likely that they're going to start hiring people anytime soon to damage those balance sheets.
Gigot: Well, let's hope we can get this stuff settled, these issues settled in Washington, at least remove the uncertainty and new burdens on the economy so we can get back to hiring.
All right, we have to take one more break. When we come back, Barack Obama and America's other Nobel Laureates in our "Hits and Misses" of the week.
*** Gigot: Time now for our "Hits and Misses." This week, we're turning them over to the Nobel Prizes. And Jason, you have good things to say.
Riley: Yes, a big hit to the eight American scientists who won Nobel Prizes this week in chemistry, medicine and physics. Six of them happen to be immigrants as well, which is also remarkable. You know, the debate about immigration in this country usually focuses on low-skill immigrants.
Gigot: Especially from Mexico.
Riley: Especially from Mexico and other parts of Latin America. But high-skilled immigrants should also be part of this conversation. And if we're going to remain--excuse me, if we're going to remain on the leading edge of innovation in this country, we need to keep the borders open to high-skill immigrants.
Gigot: All right, Dan, the really big news, President Barack Obama wins the Nobel Peace Pprize. Did I miss the peace treaty that was signed in the last nine months?
Henninger: You sure did, Paul.
I think what's going on here is this is an explicit effort by the Norwegian Nobel Committee to influence the foreign policy of the United States. In its announcement is said, and I'm quoting, "Obama's diplomacy is founded on the concept that those to lead the world must do so on the basis of values and attitudes shared by the majority of the world's people."
Now look, Obama has to understand that his authority and status and power in the world derives only from the fact that he's president of the United States. Now, he always says that he will represent the interests of the United States, but I think this prize simply adds to the ideological confusion that surrounds Barack Obama over what he thinks he represents--the world or the American people.
Gigot: So, it's interesting, you're saying this is an explicit endorsement of an American president's rejection of traditional American exceptionalism in embracing a kind of global "We are the World" set of values.
Henninger: I think the Nobel Committee is trying to push the United States in that direction.
Gigot: What does this mean for, say, Iran? Do you think that that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is going to be cowed by the moral forces of the Nobel Committee?
Riley: Dan could be right. On the other hand, the Nobel Committee could do a lot worse than Barack Obama, and they have in the past with folks like Arafat. You know, he is a uniquely popular public figure. And if the Nobel Committee wants it give him a prize for good intentions, so be it. There's no shame in that.
Gigot: There's no--the emphasis on good intentions as opposed to results.
That's it for this edition of "The Journal Editorial Report." Thanks to my panel and to all of you for watching. I'm Paul Gigot. We hope to see you right here next week.
US Lawmakers Question Afghanistan Strategy
By Dan Robinson VOA News 15 October 2009
As President Barack Obama held the fifth in a series of meetings with advisors and military officials on Afghanistan, U.S. lawmakers were raising more questions about U.S. strategy in the country. A congressional hearing also examined the situation in Afghanistan:
As Congress waits to hear the outcome of the president's review, there is mounting concern about the ramifications of whatever decisions he makes, both short and long-term impact, for the United States, the South Asian region, and for the war against al-Qaida.
In an emotional speech on the floor of the Senate, Veteran-Democrat Robert Byrd, suggested the U.S. military mission has become lost in what he called some broader scheme of nation-building.
Referring to mission creep in Afghanistan, Byrd went on to question the need for 30,000 to 40,000 additional troops requested by the U.S. and NATO commander General Stanley McChrystal. "So I am compelled to ask: does it really, really take 100,000 U.S. troops to find Osama bin Laden? If al Qaeda has moved to Pakistan, what will these troops in Afghanistan add to the effort to defeat al Qaeda? What is really meant by the term defeat, in the parlance of conventional military aims, when facing a shadowy global terrorist network?," he said.
General McChrystal requested additional forces in a report leaked to the news media last month, warning that the U.S. military effort could fail without them.
Senator Byrd wasn't the only one voicing skepticism. House of Representatives Democratic majority leader Steny Hoyer told reporters Wednesday he is not yet at the point of being able to support a potential decision to send more U.S. troops to Afghanistan.
Both Hoyer and Byrd pointed to concerns about the viability of Afghanistan's government following the election there. But Hoyer added he hopes lawmakers will support whatever decision the president makes.
Meanwhile, witnesses appearing before the House Armed Services committee expressed different views about the impact additional troops would have in Afghanistan.
Former U.S. Army Vice Chief of Staff General Jack Keane, who was intimately involved in planning for the U.S. military surge in Iraq, said multiple brigades of combat, support and training forces are needed to turn around a deteriorating situation. "We can succeed, we can turn this around in 2 to 3 years. [But] caution: if there is a sense of a lack of a U.S. commitment, NATO and Pakistan will hedge and pull back. Many tribal leaders and others in Afghanistan will do the same. And it will undermine the very objectives we are trying to achieve," he said.
Paul Pillar, a former senior CIA intelligence officer now with Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service, favors a shift away from direct combat operations to a concentration on training Afghanistan's army and police, and economic development.
He disagreed with General Keane's assertion that any U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan would likely lead to the Taliban regaining power, and questioned what an expanded U.S. military presence would accomplish. "The benefits in terms of ultimately adding to the safety and security of the American people would be marginal and questionable. At best the difference such an effort would make in the terrorist threat facing Americans would be slight. At worst, the effort would be counter-productive and would not reduce the threat at all. And even at its best the benefit would be, in my judgment, outweighed by the probable costs of the counter-insurgency," he said.
Stephen Biddle, Senior Fellow for Defense Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations discusses the decisions facing President Obama regarding Afghanistan as well as neighboring Pakistan. "We could succeed in Afghanistan and if the Pakistani government does not put its own house in order they could fail in their counter-insurgency anyway," he said.
As Congress grapples with still uncompleted fiscal year 2010 defense spending legislation, containing more than $100 billion for Afghanistan and Iraq, divergent views have also been heard from other congressional Democrats.
After returning from a trip to Afghanistan, Senator Daniel Inouye, who heads the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee, issued a statement this week appearing to support the request by General McChrystal for more troops, although Inouye said more discussion would be needed before any final decision on troop levels is made.
Inouye's counterpart heading the House Appropriations Committee, Democrat David Obey, has questioned the wisdom of any U.S. troop surge in Afghanistan, saying he does not believe Americans would support such a decision.
China, Afghanistan vow to promote practical cooperation
BEIJING, Oct. 15 (Xinhua) -- China will continue to support Afghanistan's reconstruction, and make efforts to expand bilateral cooperation, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao said Thursday.
Meeting with Afghan Vice President Mohammad Karim Khalili, who attended Wednesday's eighth prime ministers' meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) member states as guest of host country China, Wen said China would continue to encourage qualified and reputable companies to invest in Afghanistan, and to strengthen bilateral practical cooperation in fields such as trade, economy and agriculture.
Wen said the mutually beneficial cooperation would not only serve the fundamental interests of the two peoples, but also be conducive to the regional peace and stability.
Wen said China hoped Afghanistan could realize peace, stability and development soon.
China always respected Afghanistan's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, he said.
Wen also called on the international community to pay more attention to the Afghan people's living standards, and to support Afghanistan's social and economic development.
Khalili said Afghanistan and China had never encountered any problems in the development of bilateral relations.
Khalili said Afghanistan was ready to work with China to deepen the two nations' practical cooperation and to ensure successful implementation of the Afghanistan-China cooperation projects.
Afghanistan welcomed Chinese enterprises to continue to expand investment in its infrastructure and other projects.
The Afghan government would try its best to safeguard the security of Chinese institutions and personnel in Afghanistan, said Khalili.
Transcript of Karzai interview with ABC News Good Morning Program
Wednesday October 14, 2009 via PakTribune.com
Host: Diane Sawyer
Diane Sawyer:
Back to Washington. President Obama and vice president Biden are meeting with defense secretary Robert gates this afternoon, as how to save Afghanistan looms large at the same time, in Afghanistan is from Kabul. Mr. President, we are glad you joined us this morning. As you know, there is a debate going on in the united states right know, about the future of the American presence in Afghanistan and general McChrystal on the ground there, has said without more resources, the mission will likely result in failure. Do you agree that the mission is going to fail without additional, American troops? And how many are enough?
President Karzai:
I have seen general McChrystal report. I’m fully behind him for what he`s seeking in his report, that`s what we can call.
Diane Sawyer:
What about the additional U.S. troops? How many would be enough, in your view, to prevent failure?
President Karzai:
I’m not a military expert, ma`am. This is a proficient matter that proficients have to talk and come out with the result to us. What I’m concerned about, is the protection of the afghan people. What I’m concerned about is a successful implementation of our struggle against the terrorism. >>
Diane Sawyer:
You welcome additional American troops, sir?
President Karzai:
Yes, ma`am. If we could turn to the news of the election this morning because the report`s become more and more tumultuous to those of us back in the United States. We have heard that a member of the commission who supports you has now resigned. Even though U.N officials have said there is widespread fraud. that`s a direct quote. Widespread fraud, in the election. There were irregularities. There must have been also fraud committed, no doubt. But the election was good and fair and worthy of praise. Not of scorn, which the election received from the international media. That makes me very unhappy. That rather makes me angry. And we must not turn an election of the afghan people, a victory of the afghan people, into a nightmare for the afghan people. So, I hope –
Diane Sawyer:
Mr. President, we have heard from members of the UN commission there, that as many as 30% of the votes were fraudulent, in some provinces. Isn`t that -- isn`t that reason to cast doubt on the entire election?
President Karzai:
No. That was totally fabricated. that was rejected by the special representative of the secretary-general just two days ago, in his interview to the press. That wasn`t true, that was politically instigated statement, unfortunately, that came out. The election, as I mentioned earlier, had difficulties. There were instances of fraud, no doubt. There were irregularities, but the nation as a whole, was good and free and democratic. >> so, just to be clear, the facts that Mr. Barakzai, in your view, no, no way costs doubt in your commission? you consider it a legitimate commission and will abide by it?>> I’m not going to say that the election complaints commission is illegitimate. It can continue its work, but that resignation has cast a serious doubt on the functioning of the commission. And I hope that the commission -- I hope the election commission, to correct it and to be specific, should do everything now to remove those suspicions and to remove any of the stigmas and to prove it is impartial and fair, and not dictated from outside by foreign elements or governments. >>
Diane Sawyer:
General McChrystal himself, said the afghan people do not trust government to provide their essential needs. There is widespread corruption and abuse of power. Senator Feinstein said, how do you strengthen Karzai`s spine, if you can? >> "the New York times," Afghans have long grown weary of Mr. Karzai`s weak leadership and his government`s rampant corruption. What will you do differently? What is your promise to the Americans that you will do differently, given the widespread indictment of corruption in your government?
President Karzai:
Matches of corruption is one issue, legitimacy of the order we have is a different issue. You have debates in America, as you have problems in America, as you have issues of corruption in America, as you have issues of you know, of capacity on education, we have them, too, in Afghanistan. But on a much larger scale because our country is underdeveloped. And devastated by years of war and interference. Therefore, on Afghanistan, one would rather have a judgment that is based on the realities in Afghanistan, not as we see them from abroad.
Diane Sawyer:
But Mr. President, these are people speaking specifically of you. And they`re feeling that you have failed to gain control over corruption and are tolerating corruption because it`s in your interests. Do you think that general McChrystal is wrong when he says that this is widespread?
President Karzai:
The issue of corruption is a concern for the afghan people and government, as it is a concern when it comes to other countries, foreign governments there. For example, the United States. the issue of corruption is something --.
Diane Sawyer:
But Mr. President, do you think -->> on an everyday basis. >> But corruption in Afghanistan, you`re comparing the United States, to corruption in Afghanistan?
President Karzai:
No, no. I’m talking of the existence of issues in governments, and the way to handle them. Afghanistan has a set of problems. And we have to handle them as Afghanistan finds it feasible. Seven years ago, when we began together with the united states, in this, we had nothing in Afghanistan. This country was completely destroyed. No institutions, no government, no economy. Today, we are talking of an election in Afghanistan through procedures. Today, we are talking of better capacity in Afghanistan. Today, we are talking of fighting corruption in Afghanistan. Today, we`re fighting of legal standards of improved legal standards. That’s how we see it. In other words, you see the glass half full or half-empty is the question? I see it as half-filled? Someone else cease it as half-empty.
Diane Sawyer:
Mr. President, again, thank you for joining us this morning.
President Karzai:
Thank you. So good to talk to you, ma`am. thank you.. |